The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum. Carl Schmitt. Translated and Annotated by G. L. Ulmen. As Carl Schmitt lays out in The Nomos of the Earth, the establishment of a jus publicum europaeum that created guidelines for limiting war between European . Reilly, John J. () “Carl Schmitt, The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law Carl Schmitt () was a German jurist who bears.

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Carl Schmitt in WeimarDurham: Rulers in this system could acquire land and make war, but it MUST of necessity be a religious war- there cwrl no other kind of war at this time.

The Nomos of the Earth: In the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum

warth Thanks for telling us about the problem. And as long as a people exists in this way it is capable, through its support, to sustain a sovereign dictatorship exercised in its name CT — Other Internet Resources [Please contact the author with suggestions.

Political identification is likely to latch on to another distinction that will inherit the lethal intensity of political conflict See ND.

In order to establish a permanent need for political authority, negative political anthropology must be given a theological reading that portrays the dangerous nature of man as an irrevocable result of rarth sin. Theory of the Partisan. And if there is no unanimity among social groups as to what situation to perceive as normal or exceptional, the sovereign decision will inevitably have to side with one group’s conception of normality against that of another.

This framework, Schmitt argues, allowed European states to bring about a highly effective containment of the negative consequences of war, and thus of the dangers of political existence. Schmitt’s apparent attempt to dissociate the idea of democracy from any particular method of will-formation fails to explain why the democratic tradition has considered institutional farth like the election of officials or the extension of the franchise to be characteristically democratic.

However, the material content of the law does not itself determine who is to tge and to apply it. Carl Schmitt, jurist and political theologian, examines everything from Greek antiquity to Spanish conquest of the Americas up until the League of Nations to question whether or not there is some fundamental moral or natural order under-girding the laws that men have used to govern one-another and themselves through the ages.


The Nomos of the Earth: In the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum by Carl Schmitt

Keith rated it it was amazing Aug 27, The freedom to side with either party in a conflict, or else to remain neutral, allowed states to contain conflicts by balancing or simply by staying out of the fight. Ein kooperativer KommentarSschmitt Jordan Cook rated it liked it May 12, The rule of the majority will degenerate into an illegitimate form of indirect rule of one social faction over another HV 73—91; LL 17—36; L 65— It might die though all of its individual members continue to live.


Carl Schmitt’s Critique of LiberalismD. The same holds, Schmitt thinks, for all other substantive distinctions that may become markers of identity and difference. Constituent Power and Constitutional FormM.

The culmination of Schmitt’s work in the Weimar period, and arguably his greatest achievement, is the Constitutional Theorywhich systematically applied Schmitt’s political theory to the interpretation of the Weimar constitution.

Sovereignty and dictatorship had become fused in the novel institution of sovereign dictatorship: But Schmitt wrote his most influential works, as a young professor of constitutional law in Bonn and later in Berlin, during the Weimar-period: Only members of a group are in a position to decide, from the perspective of an existentially affected participant, whether the otherness of another group amounts to a threat to their own form of life and thus potentially requires to be fought CP 27; See also CT 76—7, Probleme des Verfassungsrechts und der Rechtskultur in Indien und Pakistaned.

Carl Schmitt

The revolutionary governments, like the absolutist sovereign, claimed the power to decide on the exception, but they did not claim to be sovereign. It is wrong, therefore, to regard a constitution as nothing more than the set of all particular constitutional norms, and to assume that all these norms are equally subject to constitutional amendment.

Just a moment while we sign you in to your Goodreads account. The legal order of ius publicum Europaeum, in effect, did not distinguish between just and unjust war. The absolutist sovereign did possess the sovereign power to decide on the exception, and was thus capable of authorizing commissars to use dictatorial methods in his name.

Rather, it is always the result of an act of identification. It is a reasoned, yet passionate argument in defense of the European achievement — not only in creating the first truly global order of international law, but also in limiting war to conflicts among sovereign states, which in effect civilized war.

Aug 08, Colm Gillis rated it really liked it. Duke University Press, pp. It would be possible, moreover, to identify the outcomes of the political process with the will of the people, and to consider them democratically legitimate, even if some citizens find themselves in a temporary minority.

The exclusionary nature of the friend-enemy distinction that is to be enforced through extra-legal sovereign dictatorship, to provide a basis for the normal functioning of the constitutional order, throws further doubt on the democratic nature of Schmitt’s constitutional theory see Kraft—Fuchs ; Eartj a.


Theory of Democracy and Constitutional Theory Schmitt’s conception of politics tends to radically dissociate democracy from liberalism and, more controversially, from the constituted, rule-bound practices of popular election and parliamentary legislation that characterize the ordinary workings of modern democracy. This argument appears to assume that all legal norms are material norms providing substantive grounds of legal decision. The value of political equality, then, explains why certain forms of will formation are considered to be more intimately eadth with the idea of democracy than others CT —5.

A conception of international order that violates any of these two conditions would be incompatible with political existence and therefore illegitimate.

The Nomos of the Earth « Telos Press

Where he really starts to get interested is with what he refers to as the Respublica Christiana. Most of those who swarm around a nomos basileus fail homos notice that, in reality, nomoe propagate just such a formula. Liberal Cosmopolitanism and the Foundations of International Order Schmitt’s conception of the political grounds a distinctive interpretation of democracy and constitutionalism in the domestic sphere. Shmitt Schmitt’s view, there can be no functioning legal order without a sovereign authority PT 5—35; Dyzenhaus42—51; McCormick—56; Hofmann49—64; Kennedy54—91; Kahn31—61; Croce and Salvatore13— Schmitt would likely have replied that the liberal assumption that man is perfectible, that humanity can overcome political enmity, and that to do so is desirable, is also an article of faith.

InSchmitt published the first version of his most famous work, The Concept of the Politicaldefending the view that all true politics is based on the distinction between friend and enemy.

But it would be implausible to conclude that they do not possess a legal order. Most importantly, however, the lf recognition of legitimate belligerency allowed for the effective enforcement of stringent constraints on the permissible means of warfare on the level of ius in bello. Of course, Schmitt’s analogy between the collective and the individual interest in self-preservation papers over an important difference between the two cases. These two consequences of Schmitt’s conception of politics imply two conditions of the legitimacy of international order, at least if one makes the assumption, with Schmitt, that political communities have an unconditional right to preserve their existence CP 48—9; CT 75—7.

In Schmitt’s account, this period was not a period of mere anarchy. Schmitt’s reasoning implicitly relies on a collectivist version of the logic of self-defence. Hence, there must be a characteristically democratic condition of legal normality, and a theory tge democracy should tell us what it is.